We believe that its findings support our analysis that organizing among the poor, around an agenda that represents the concerns of the poor, can fundamentally change the political map of this country and lead to policies that are just and representative for all Americans.
Key: States highlighted in orange are states where, if the voting rates of the low-income population were to match the voting rates of those with higher incomes, these additional low-income voters would match or exceed the election margins of victory in the presidential election or the — midterm elections. Abstaining — choosing not to vote — is a free choice, but when it is concentrated in certain groups, the consequences can be dire. Those who do not vote, do not count.
And the most vulnerable count less and less. It could be seen as simple disaffection, the typical widespread feeling of disillusionment affecting all democracies, without exception.
Voter turnout around the world has fallen considerably since the s, from 76 to 66 per cent. It is influenced by general factors, such as the type of election, the situation in the country, and individual ones, such as age. Young people vote less. Votes come and go accordingly. In the context of poverty and inequality, however, it is not only a matter of adolescent apathy or passing disgruntlement with the current state of affairs, but a definitive split, persistent abstention.
The votes never return. The researcher warns that this political disconnect is no longer restricted to the very poorest groups and that abstention is growing in line with the rise in precarity. The traditional black holes of democracy are growing as the ranks of the working poor expand. In a context where the lower classes do not vote, the middle classes — whose lives are increasingly precarious — vote less, and the higher classes vote the same as ever, what kind of repercussions can we expect?
What happens when the vote is scarce and, like money, is poorly distributed? African-American and Hispanic voters were considerably more likely than white voters to be asked to show photo identification at the polls, at rates of 70 percent, 65 percent, and 51 percent, respectively. Then there are the lines. Nearly 40 percent of voters reported waiting in line on Election Day and 17 percent reported waits of 30 minutes or more—primarily people of color in urban areas and the state of Florida.
Black and Hispanic voters waited an average of more than 20 minutes to vote, almost twice as long as whites. In larger, urban counties with populations exceeding , voters, the average wait was almost 20 minutes , more than double the time in counties with 50, voters or less.
Young voters also experienced significantly longer wait times, and other Election Day hurdles, than their older counterparts. Finally, in Florida, voters waited an average of 45 minutes. An estimated , Florida voters "gave up in frustration" before they could cast a ballot in Overall, nearly one in 10 Americans reported that they or someone they knew tried to vote but was not able to in , and close to half of eligible Americans who did not cast a ballot cited external administrative barriers as the major cause.
Election hurdles aside, Cassandra is quick to point out that voting is not the only form of participation practiced in American politics, and it is arguably not the most impactful either. Volunteering for political causes and campaigns, contributing money to candidates, and lobbying the government all have an effect.
And here, a mounting body of social science research examined for this study supports Cassandra's hypothesis that "low-income people lack funding to effectively advocate" for their needs and are under-represented as a result.
For example, just two percent of Americans at the bottom of the income and education ladder attend campaign meetings and rallies or conduct campaign work, compared to 14 percent of people at the top—a factor of seven to one. When it comes to selecting candidates and funding their campaigns, two percent of all Americans give money in presidential elections and less than half of one percent provide the lion's share.
In fact, the largest single donor in personally accounted for more money than the bottom 98 percent of citizens combined. As Cassandra puts it, "Whoever can buy the most TV time, whoever talks at them the right way" usually gets the votes—and the money to fund campaigns isn't coming from people like her.
Finally, of the more than 12, interests groups actively lobbying Washington, only a few dozen—less than 1 percent—advocate directly on behalf of low-income people.
As the authors of a recent page study conclude, "Year after year, decade after decade, and from one generation to the next, the affluent and well educated have participatory megaphones that amplify their voices in American politics Cassandra has no intention of going unheard.
Spending an afternoon with her, it's hard to imagine anything getting between her and the ballot box. In fact, she even brings a group of low-income citizens to the state capitol in Columbus once or twice a year so legislators can "hear what people have to say. For one thing, many of the people whom she is trying to empower "feel intimidated by the way the legislators talk to them [or] get scared off.
Ultimately, Cassandra says, "Our communities and families are losing because of [what's happening] in Washington, D. This it the conclusion of a week-long series exploring the intersection of poverty and democracy in America. Read the rest of the series:.
Poverty vs. Essentially, when you're concerned about putting food on the table, it's hard to think about politics. Personal Finance. The Motley Fool Paid Partner. LendingTree Paid Partner. CNNMoney Sponsors. SmartAsset Paid Partner. These are your 3 financial advisors near you This site finds and compares 3 financial advisors in your area Check this off your list before retirement: talk to an advisor Answer these questions to find the right financial advisor for you Find CFPs in your area in 5 minutes.
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